The 19 October 2006 marks the one month anniversary of the coup d’etat in Thailand. This coup is considered as a dilemma for the civil society and the peoples movement in Thailand, since the coup has divided the civil society in different sides; namely those that is against the coup, supporting the coup, and the undecided.
One of the causes of the dilemma is that the previous government under Prime Minister Thaksin Shinnawatra had been considered as one of the most problematic prime ministers of Thailand. During the premiership of Thaksin during 2001 to 2006, he had privatized the universities, national enterprises, and was basically behind the massacred of thousands of people during the War on Drug and in Southern Thailand. Apart from that he had intervened with many of the independent agencies. The media and journalists were sued; independent agencies such as senator, the Election Commission (EC), and Anti-money Launder Office (AMLO) were swamped with Thaksin’s men and his cronies.
However, staging a coup is not the best way out, since Thaksin was rightfully elected by the people. This is not to say that those that are opposed the coup are pro-Thaksin. We, under the "19 September Network against Coup d’etat", have been active protesting against Thaksin when he was in power. In spite of this, democracy has no shortcut and no double standards. Military coups cannot be a path toward democracy, but in fact, is the most regressive action toward democracy. By accepting the coup, it will set a standard for military to intervene in the future and will set up a standard for dependency with the military.
Thailand had been ruled under the military continuously in the 1940s to 1970s. Military ruled had proved to be most destructive; military coup proved worse. Among the incidents involving the military is 14 October 1973, 6 October 1976, and May 1992 event where, all together, hundreds of students and unarmed people were gunned down by the military.
After one month after the coup d’etat, the military has once again proved to be a real terror. The military council, formerly known as the Council for Democratic Reforms (CDR), under General Sonthi Boonyarataklin, had promised to the people that it will return the power to the people after it had ruled for two weeks, and would hand the power to the civilian government.
Contrarily, CDR had given the power to General Surayud Chulanont, a career soldier who was among those soldiers involved in the violence crackdown of the protesters during the May 1992 protest. Later General Sonthi Boonyarataklin proclaimed that "a retired general is considered". This kind of "promise and change" tactic was similar to the interview that he had made earlier in February 2006 that "he will never stage any undemocratic action such as staging the coup d’etat".
Currently the CDR has changed its form to the Council for National Security (CNS) and is still in control of the entire decision making procedures. It even has the power to appoint and disband the Prime Minister, Ministers, and other related officials.
Many of the apologists for the coup d’etat which includes the conservatives, royalists, and neo-liberalists in Thai society believed that this coup will bring together a new system in which there would be better check and balances within the system. Some of the former activist during the 6 October 1976 massacre had even made an insanely comment that, "this military council will get rid of the neo-liberalism policies".
So far, the military has imposed the early 20thcentury version of the Martial Law which will give the military council the jurisdiction to arrest any citizen it wishes. The military has issued statement abolishing the rights to political gathering for more than five people. The violators could face the fine up to 10,000 baht (US$250) or/and sentenced up to 6 months. More than 600 community radios have been closed down; media andnewspaper companies harassed. Social Activists and politicians under Thaksin were put in arbitrary detentions for weeks without any charges given to them.
The CNS has recently passed the interim constitution and guideline of the constitution drafting processes. The military will be directly in charge of the constitution drafting procedures, as it will handpick the constitution drafting council. Recently the 242 members of the National Legislative Assembly (NLA), which will act as the parliament in overseeing the bill, have been selected. Prior to the appointment, the military claims that it will choose the members that will represent all groups of people. However, it turns out that more than one-third of the assembly members are former-generals in the army, air-force, and navy none are farmer, grassroots activist, or the indigenous peoples.
The ministers of this military regime are all from the old-school and are extremely conservatives. Most are in their 60s and are mostly former bureaucrats and generals. Among those ministers that are appointed are Nitra Pibulsongram, a neo-liberalism and free-market supporter who had served under Thaksin, and had been pushing for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Thailand with the US. The deal will obliterate the poor and the HIV patients from the drug patent policy that will be imposed. The Labour Minister appointed, is among those vocal against the rights of the Trade Unions. The civil society and the peoples movement therefore need to see the deceit that this military council has created. It appears that this military regime is planning to hold on to power for just longer than one year contrary to what it had claimed.
The recently held Thai Social Forum (TSF) during 20-23 October 2006, the first national social forum process in Thailand followed by the model of the World Social Forum (WSF), had brought together more than 3,000 representatives civil society organizations, trade unions, and student movement under the same banner, "the People can build – an equality world". It was perhaps one of the largest gatherings of the Thai peoples movement. The declaration of the forum has called for the initiation and approaches toward the creation of welfare state in Thailand; contrary to the neo-liberalism policies that are being pushed by the military regime. The TSF has also called for the creation of the "genuine"parallel constitution drafters that will be consisted of broad and diverse representatives from the people; including those that have been marginalized in the political process such as the handicaps; Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Trans-genders (LGBT), indigenous peoples (IPs), and sexworkers.
Therefore, we will need to fight against the "ill-proclaimed" political reform under this military regime since it will never bring about a true and genuine political reform, if the voices and the true representation of the people are not being neglected.
Source: http://www.ifis.or.kr/bbs/board.php?bo_table=archive_english&wr_id=7
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